Laws
of "family purity"
In large
part, the sexual and
social activity of
women and men within
families was structured
by the practice of
the laws of niddah.
In
traditional Jewish
households, women
and men do not have
sexual contact
for two weeks of each
lunar month, based
on the menstrual cycle
of the
wife. When she is
menstruate and for
a week after she is
no longer
menstruate (checked
daily by the women
and verified by her).
After this
period, she goes to
a ritual bath, called
a mikvah, in which
she first
bathes carefully,
for cleanliness, is
checked by an attendant,
and then
immerses herself in
the waters of the
ritual bath, while
saying special
prayers. Modern scholars
argue about the meaning
and intent of this
practice--for some,
it marks the deepest
moment of estrangement
within
the tradition, a ritual
to mark the negative,
objectified and degraded
way that women are
oftentimes seen in
talmudic literature--degraded
and
made dangerous by
her very blood. For
others, the practice
is a positive
and powerful social
construction that
allows for women to
live within
marriage without the
being always the object
of sexualized attention,
for
a valuing of both
sexual and non-sexual
companionate relationships
in
marriage, and an ongoing
strategy to enhance
sexual anticipation.
In this
later understanding,
the ritual is an enactment
of the realization
that
she has in some way
"touched"
death--her menses
marks the non-pregnancy
of that month, a kind
of a loss, a theoretical
death. For the second
half
of the month, sexual
relations are to be
enjoyed fully, and
are, in fact,
mandated. Infrequent
sexual activities
are ground for divorce,
on the
part of either the
man or the woman,
and the schedule of
the minimal
frequency is described
in the Gemora.
The
centrality of children
and childhood education
Considerable
care is to be given
to each child. Normative
duties are
also described: each
child is the responsibility
of the parents until
he
or she is no longer
a minor. Until that
time, even the responsibility
of
the responsibility
of the enactment of
the commandments is
the task of
the parents. And the
careful education
of each must be attended
to as
well: each father,
or mother if the father
is not able, must
teach each
child Torah, a trade,
make sure the child
has a marriage partner,
and
finally, some add,
must teach him how
to swim! It is a considerable
investment of time
and social resources:
hence the need, as
in our texts,
to allow each child
the best start.
The
rupture of modernity
Against
this ordered world,
modernity and the
Haskalah or the
intellectual shift
following the Enlightenment
created a significant
threat. Even prior
to the Shoah, Jews
were leaving the daily
rigor of
the practice of mitzvot
for a generalized
American-informed
liberal
Judaism. Reform and
Conservative Jews
drifted away (in some
cases fled)
from the practices
of family life, and
of the constraints
on passions:
keeping kosher, keeping
the Sabbath, and the
practice of mikvah
with its
implications that
women and men would
lead radically separate
lives even
within marriage. Jews
lived in large part
in cultures swept
by the same
demographic forces
as the other populations
they lived within,
and
consumed in large
part as others did.
Issues of empowerment
and education
for women affected
all sectors of the
Jewish community.
But the Shoah accelerated
some processes of
change, and obliterated
others: after the
great loss of rabbinic
leadership, the broad
range of
divergent scholarship
and the broad knowledge
of textual sources
are far
more constrained.
For many non-religious
Jews, the rupture
of the Shoah
creates deep unease
about the ideas of
faith commandments,
or the sacred,
much less a powerful
and loving God--what
remains is an allegiance
to
Israel, and a certainty
that the Holocaust
must be remembered--and
both
of these are issues
of physical survival,
arenas in which Jews
can feel
constantly at risk.
For many secular Jews,
Judaism itself is
an enactment
of attention to these
two issues.
For Orthodox and neo-Orthodox,
what is at stake is
the betrayal of
modernity itself.
For many, this has
meant a reassessment
and a
re-embrace of traditional
European practice,
a practice in some
circles
that is nearly completely
interpreted by authoritative
rabbinic
authorities since
many have no history
of familial customs
or context.
For many, the practice
of Judaism is concomitant
with an affiliation
with
the moment in Jewish
history just prior
to this betrayal:
the late 1800s,
when European Jewry
enjoyed a growing
community, and benefited
from 400
years of stability
and intense and creative
interpretive study.
This was,
not coincidentally,
the period of the
most rapid demographic
growth and
the highest fertility
as well. Jewish families,
like all European
families had on average
6 children. Affiliation
with this moment is
clearly understandable.
But this period was
not typical of other
periods of Jewish
history: not in Biblical
text, nor in Talmudic
texts,
nor in earlier periods
in Europeall,
of course. equally
valid emulative
moments for custom,
costume and halachic
standards. Large families
were
not a demographic
option for human populations
prior to modernity,
were
not seen as a strategy
for Jewish survival.
In the contemporary
period, the post-Shoah
Jewish community after
the
costly and tragic
failure of modernity,
the deconstruction
of the
universal narrative
have called into prominence
a significant turn
towards the most conservatizing
elements in the tradition.
This is
utterly understandable,
albeit a limiting
of the deep and rich
possibilities in the
tradition. In many
circles, faithful
Jews perform
this faithful continuity
by literally wearing
the garb of that earlier
century in which they
flourished. It will
come as no surprise
that since
that period (c 1877)
was one of a heightened
fertility rate, and
family
sizes were large,
the aspect of life
is rehearsed as well.
Some Orthodox
communities have among
the highest birth
rates in the world.
Conclusions
This chapter
is a partial effort
to critically reflect
on the central
thematization of Jewish
family policies in
the contemporary period.
And
indeed, in the face
of arguments for a
reparative, post-Shaoh
family
policy made so strongly,
by so many diverse
elements of the Jewish
community, one can
defend a strong case
for the argument of
exceptionalism. But
there are both theoretical
and practical limits
to
this argument, and
ultimately, it fails
to reflect fully the
rich and
complex cultural and
textual world of Jewish
tradition.
First, we cannot bring
back the lost world
of Eastern European
Jewry,
calling after them
by a genre of faithful,
ritualized enactment
of an
imagined past. To
be sure, wearing the
clothes of the past,
or performing
the beloved moment
of the past over and
over has always been
a limited
part of rabbinic Judaism.
The tradition maintains
traces of this
everywhere, in the
liturgy, in the Passover
Seder, in the Yom
Kippur
liturgical choreography
where one re-enacts
via prayer, the Temple
sacrifice. But all
of these acts are
self-conscious, transparent,
aware
of the call and necessity
of modernity, the
need for continuity
and
memory, aware of their
strangeness and of
the need to return
to the world
of work. Held in tension
with such enactments
are two moral constraints,
the necessity of tradition,
and the necessity
of an ongoing, mutable
discourse that simultaneously
participates in and
seeks to interpret
the
acts.
Let us be clear: Jews
did not survive the
terrible, genocidal
losses of
the past by population
increase. In fact,
there is nothing in
the textual
account to suggest
this, and the only
time that Jews increased
fertility
was right along with
all other Europeans
at a time of relative
peace.
How did Jews respond
to other catastrophe?
With education, with
the
small but tenacious
beit midrash the house
of study, which was
the
educational innovation
at the time of the
worst previous crisis
for the
Jewish people. The
mandate of procreation
begins in Genesis,
in which
the central drama
of the first narrative
is the struggle to
define
humanness as distinct
from that which is
animal. Here, the
text is clear:
we are not the ones
who swarm, we do not,
after our creation
"swarm"
over
the earth, and make
"each to his
kind" in an anonymous
way. We are born
each into a genealogy
and a name list, each
particular one created,
as
Maimonides reminds
us, "as if a
whole world is created."
This is not a
call for multiplicityit
is rather a call of
respect and attention
to
each.
If childbearing is
worldmaking, then
the notion of acting
like God
begins to shape the
gravitas of the enterprise:
what would be more
important that making
an entire world? It
is this particularity,
and not
abundance that is
stressed--it is not
enough to be fruitful,
one is also
entasked, and it is
the ability to meet
the demands of the
task that is
critical.
Further, in countless
other texts, what
is key is not fecundity
or
numbers of persons,
but the enactment
of justice--the common
good is not
created by women's
ability to make many
children in an of
itself but in
her ability to create
a household of justice.
In such a household,
her
hands, beyond obligations
to her "own"
children, "stretch
out to the
poor and her palms
to the destitute."
What
would a normative
policy be?
Given this argument,
how can we envision
a family planning
normative
practice that is both
respectful of tradition,
exquisitely sensitive
to
history and memory,
and protective of
women in the way that
halachic
texts remind us is
key? Let me suggest
a feminist Who_are_we
that is
consonant with our
tradition, yet aware
of our currant situation.
First, such a norm,
to be authentic, must
be advocate procreativity.
Children and families
have and will stand
at the center of Jewish
practice. This should
be taken, I believe
to encompass the entire
obligation toward
the next generation.
We can robustly reclaim
the
narratives of adoption
in service of this
goal, and of the primacy
of
education, as in the
texts that stress
that having students
is also akin
to childrearing.
Next, any such practice
would be regulated
commitments to long
term
family relationshipsnot
only between couples
who intend to be parents,
but to the task and
duty of being grandparents,
uncles, aunts, and
kin.
It is self-evident
within the tradition
that children need
long-term
commitments from parents,
and from the larger
families who nurture,
support and celebrate
the continuance of
family life. Real
reproductive
choice, means that
the Jewish community
needs to pay serious
attention
to how family life
is supported and how
women, in particular
within
families can lead
live enlivened by
the delight of the
Torah in the ways
similar to men--this
means strategies for
the very study of
texts that
could open the world
of the textual tradition
of the very issues
we have
briefly explored.
Such a norm would
understand the historic
place of non-procreative
sexuality, in that
any norm that is truthful
to the tradition must
contain within it
a delight in the erotic
and sensual aspects
of
sexuality as well
as the procreative
ones. This is in large
part the
point of the textual
issues about obligation
and its limits. The
Jewish
tradition contains
complex and conflicting
views on this--some
frankly
patriarchal, to be
sure, but others that
are deeply curious,
insightful
and liberatory for
both women and men.
Finally, justice constraints
need to be a part
of our reflection
on
families. In a clear
way, Jewish tradition
does not focus on
rights but
on obligations and
duties: hence for
Jews the question
needs to be
reframed in this way:
what are the obligations
about reproduction,
family
planning, contraception
and abortion? How
can we struggle to
be faithful
Jews and faithful
citizens to the world,
indeed, live as if
chosen, not
for our oppression,
but for the "light"
carried in the Torah,
which is to
say, the long history
of meaning and language
that the textual tradition
presents us with.
Jews in most of the
Diaspora and to a
far lesser
extent in Israel consume
like all Americans,
using many times more
resources, water,
land, energy and food
than our counterparts
in Africa
and Latin America.
This alone raises
questions of justice
(not to mention
the self-interest
that is a part of
ecological concerns)
Justice means
that within families,
resources will need
to be regulated by
needs of
childrearing, health
and education. Justice
considerations will
mean that
a communities resources
also need to be meetwe
need to ensure that
every
larger families do
not overwhelm a communities
ability to care for
the
poor, and to respond
to call for justice
outside the community
as well.
In calling for serious
reflection on our
aspirational goals
for family
planning and reproductive
health, we need to
call for more study
of the
complex matrix of
competing textual
history in this arena.
In particular,
we need to re-center
the metaphor, and
the practice of the
protection of
the nursing infant
to allow for careful
spacing between children,
on
behalf of both the
women and of each
child. As this chapter
demonstrates, the
textual resources
for compassion are
already fully
intact within the
tradition. Even if
women understood and
practice only
the restrictions on
becoming pregnant
while nursing, allowing
for a
slower pace of childbearing,
this would be a tremendous
change for many
women and would certainly
allow for the careful
attention to each
child.
Finally,
we must come to some
understanding about
the historical
question of the legacy
of the Shoah, where
we began this chapter.
Like
others in this volume,
Jews press for unique
claims for our people,
our
tribe. At the deepest
level these claims
are understandable.
A claim of
this sort carries,
however serious responsibilities:
the obligation for
social justice runs
as deep as the right
for survival. It must
be
acknowledged that
the tension about
Jewish survival is
one of the deepest
themes of Judaism--a
fear that Abraham
is never completely
free of is the
doubt that his line
will continue. Yet
volume of children
is never the
issueas a proof
text I can offer the
fact that Abraham
has many other
children, with other
wivesyet it
is not they, but only
Isaac, one boy,
that matters, and
this is a theme that
is repeated throughout
Genesis.
Endurance, we are
carefully reminded,
is the work of the
faithful
remnant, continuity,
to teaching the child
the meaning of the
covenant.
Less than half come
out of Egypt with
Moses, fewer than
15% may have
survived the Romans,
but what remains is
a community with a
narrative, a
law, and a discourse,
and that is what matters
when survival is at
stake.
Against
destruction there
is only the commanded
life of faith, argue
the
prophets, but it is
elaborated by the
rabbis who carefully
debate the
details this life,
of blood and birth
and nursing babies,
along with
ritual and prayer
in the catastrophic
social and environmental
collapse
after the Second Temple.
There we see the important
suggestion, calling
for further study
of the question, of
the primacy of the
nursing mother,
and there we see also
the certainty of the
need for tikkun olam,
repair
of the whole world,
not only the Jews
in the world, always
the imperative
of the Torah. As Jews
in our period struggle
with ever deeper issues
of
scarcity and limits,
and Jews now re-learn
to care for an Israel
whose
survival is precarious,
whose every hill,
every wadi, every
tree matters
deeply, a literal
as well as a spiritual
Israel whose survival
is not
ensured by creating
more and more Jewish
bodies, unless each
one carries
the knowledge, and
commitment to the
tradition that marks
them as Jews.
This is why Jewish
tradition counts teachers
nearly as important
as
parents.
In rethinking Jewish
ethical discourse
on reproductive health
and family
planing, like all
ethical discourse,
we must reflect on
the complexity
and the power of the
practice we pass on
and create in language,
responsa
and the struggle with
our texts. And it
is these texts that
demands that
the generations continue
in a world of justice,
as clearly as they
insist we support
and nurture each childthis
is the legacy and
a heritage that can
participate in the
salvation
of the world.
Acknowledgements
The author wishes
to acknowledge the
invaluable research
support of Janet
Danforth, as a graduate
research assistant
in the Spring and
Summer of
2000 at the University
of Virginia, and the
support of San Francisco
State University.