I
Believe in an America Where the Separation of Church and State is Absolute
By
Senator John F. Kennedy
September 12, 1960
Address to the Greater Houston
Ministerial Association
While
the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here
tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues
to face in the 1960 election; the spread of Communist influence, until it now
festers 90 miles off the coast of Florida--the humiliating treatment of our President
and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power--the hungry children
I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctor bills, the
families forced to give up their farms--an America with too many slums, with too
few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space.
These are the real
issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues--for
war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barriers.
But
because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the
real issues in this campaign have been obscured--perhaps deliberately, in some
quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state
once again--not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important
only to me--but what kind of America I believe in.
I
believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute--where
no Catholic prelate would tell the President (should he be Catholic) how to act,
and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote--where
no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference--and
where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from
the President who might appoint him or the people who might elect him.
I
believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish--where
no public official either requests or accepts instructions on public policy from
the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source--where
no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general
populace or the public acts of its officials--and where religious liberty is so
indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.
For
while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed,
in other years it has been, and may someday be again, a Jew--or a Quaker--or a
Unitarian--or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for
example, that helped lead to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today I
may be the victim--but tomorrow it may be you--until the whole fabric of our harmonious
society is ripped at a time of great national peril.
Finally,
I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end--where all
men and all churches are treated as equal--where every man has the same right
to attend or not attend the church of his choice--where there is no Catholic vote,
no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind--and where Catholics, Protestants
and Jews, at both the lay and pastoral level, will refrain from those attitudes
of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and
promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.
That
is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency
in which I believe--a great office that must neither be humbled by making it the
instrument of any one religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding
its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President
whose religious views are his own private affair, neither imposed by him upon
the nation or imposed by the nation upon him as a condition to holding that office.
I would not
look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees
of religious liberty. Nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to
do so--and neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article
VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test--even by indirection--for
it. If they disagree with that safeguard they should be out openly working to
repeal it.
I
want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all groups and obligated
to none--who can attend any ceremony, service or dinner his office may appropriately
require of him--and whose fulfillment of his Presidential oath is not limited
or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual or obligation.
This
is the kind of America I believe in--and this is the kind I fought for in the
South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then
that we may have a "divided loyalty," that we did "not believe
in liberty," or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened the
"freedoms for which our forefathers died."
And
in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers died--when they
fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less
favored churches--when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and
the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom--and when they fought at the shrine
I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died McCafferty
and Bailey and Carey--but no one knows whether they were Catholic or not. For
there was no religious test at the Alamo.
I
ask you tonight to follow in that tradition--to judge me on the basis of my record
of 14 years in Congress--on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican,
against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of
the public schools (which I have attended myself)--instead of judging me on the
basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select
quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually
in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and always omitting, of course,
the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed church-state
separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American
Catholic.
I do
not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts--why should you?
But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the
state being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit,
or persecute the free exercise of any other religion. And I hope that you and
I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants
and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those
who differ, I would cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as
Ireland and France--and the independence of such statesmen as Adenauer and De
Gaulle.
But let
me stress again that these are my views--for contrary to common newspaper usage,
I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate
for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church
on public matters--and the church does not speak for me.
Whatever
issue may come before me as President--on birth control, divorce, censorship,
gambling or any other subject--I will make my decision in accordance with these
views, in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be the national interest,
and without regard to outside religious pressures or dictates. And no power or
threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise.
But
if the time should ever come--and I do not concede any conflict to be even remotely
possible--when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate
the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious
public servant would do the same.
But
I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic
or Protestant faith--nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in
order to win this election.
If
I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied
that I had tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided
on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on
the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser,
in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history,
and in the eyes of our own people.
But
if, on the other hand, I should win the election, then I shall devote every effort
of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency--practically identical,
I might add, to the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without
reservation, I can "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office
of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution...so help me God.
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